Introductory Remarks by the British High Commissioner, Peter Millett

I welcome this opportunity to participate in this book launch. The book we have before us covers a number of important themes and reaches certain conclusions about the future of the relationship between our two countries.

My aim this evening is to do three things:

Make a number of comments on the book itself;
Address a number of key themes;
Look to the future.

The Book

One of the most important messages underlying this book is the importance of building a strong relationship between the UK and Cyprus and looking to the future rather than dwelling on the past. I fully endorse that message. Of course, it is impossible to ignore the past in any international issue. The book therefore starts by trying to set the historical context. But our discussion tonight should not focus on the past, but on how to work together for mutual benefit in the future. I would only say that a British historian would not agree with some of the observations made in the book about the UK’s role in Cyprus.

There are also in my view a number of key elements missing: for example the strong support given by the UK government to the accession of Cyprus to the EU, despite the significant reservations by some other member states. Unfortunately, the positive aspects of the relationship are too often forgotten.

The book rightly highlights economic and social factors and the strong commercial links between our countries. I have no doubt that the figure of 10% as the UK’s contribution to Cyprus’ GDP is fairly accurate. While our trade in goods in both directions has fallen, the trade in services has maintained its growth. The links in this sector cover not only tourism but also the banking, insurance, legal services and consultancy sectors. These form the bedrock of a solid trade relationship making the UK Cyprus’ biggest trading partner. It also means that the strength of the Cypriot economic miracle is built on – and to some extent dependent on – tourism and property development from the UK.

The conclusion of the book is upbeat. It underlines the need for an “advanced bilateral relationship on the basis of certain fundamental realities”. For the UK the fundamental reality is that Cyprus matters. This is not only because we have important interests on the island and in the area, but also because Cyprus is an EU partner with whom we have a lot in common.

We want to work with Cyprus. We have absolutely no interest in working against Cyprus. Our co-operation can cover many areas of benefit to both countries, not only continuing to work for a solution to the division of the island, but also working together on EU and regional issues.

Themes

Let me try to address some of the themes in the book in a little more detail.

Firstly, the Sovereign Base Areas. As the book says, they are vital for the UK and for European Security. As laid down in the Treaties, their role is entirely military. Our sole interest is to ensure that their operations can be undertaken securely. The book makes an issue out of self-sufficiency, leaving the impression that the SBAs have attempted to be self-sufficient because we do not trust Cyprus.

First of all, the SBAs are not self-sufficient. The book itself acknowledges that the SBAs need electricity from the Republic of Cyprus. But in any case it is important for any military operation to be sustainable as far as possible without depending on outside sources, however reliable they may be. At the same time the Bases have pursued an active policy of friendly co-operation, not only with the government, but also with the villages in the area and the citizens of Cyprus who live within them.

One of the most important principles for operating the Bases is that the Cypriot citizens who live there should not in any way be disadvantaged. The Bases therefore mirror Cypriot and EU legislation as far as possible. For example, unlike the UK itself, the Bases will use the Euro. In many other areas, such as the environment, the Bases have gone to extreme lengths to adopt international conventions and standards for looking after the natural resources of the Bases applying the Ramsar and Bern Conventions to the Akrotiri salt lake site.

Secondly, the fundamental relationship between the UK and Cyprus. The book makes a lot of reference to perceptions of past and present policy. Certainly I acknowledge that many Cypriots have such a perception. And I recognise that UK policy is often presented in the media in a negative way. But the fundamental issue is that the UK wants stability, certainty and prosperity in this part of the world. The security of Cyprus is therefore crucial to our interests.

We take our role as Guarantor Power, as one of the five permanent members of the Security Council and as an EU partner, extremely seriously. We have supported the UN’s good offices in the past and regret that they have not been successful. We have actively been working with the UN to promote the 8 July 2006 agreement as the best way to start the dialogue and get back to fully-fledged negotiations so that you can resolve this long-standing issue.

Perhaps we should look at the perception of Cyprus to the UK and the outside world. Let me be frank: it is regrettable but not surprising that the Cyprus question has fallen off the international agenda. The priorities for the UN and EU are elsewhere: Iraq, Iran, Burma, climate change. And the perception is that Cyprus’s foreign policy is in danger of contaminating other EU and international priorities.

These are perceptions and we know that perceptions are inaccurate. The reality is that the UK and Cyprus have far more in common than issues that divide us. We share the same objectives and can work closely together. We should be able to discuss our differences without hostility or threats.

On wider EU issues we also have a lot in common. Both our economies have moved towards service industries and there are therefore issues on the EU agenda where we can co-operate. We have much to celebrate and much we can do together. Our effort to redefine this policy was set out in the Structured Dialogue signed by the then Deputy Prime Minister John Prescott and President Papadopoulos in October 2005. The Structured Dialogue is a reality: we are actively engaged in a wide range of initiatives which benefit both of us. For example:

Education: The visit of our higher education minister, Bill Rammell, in September 2006 led to an extensive programme of co-operation on education issues which the British Council are pursuing.

Migration: The Home Office in the UK has worked closely with the Ministry of Interior on procedures for asylum seekers, recognising that Cyprus was confronting a major problem.

Labour: Following a visit to Cyprus by our employment Minister last year, a team from the Ministry of Labour visited the UK to study our Job Centres.

Terrorism: There are very close links between UK and Cypriot counter terrorism experts, who work tirelessly to preserve Cyprus’ justified reputation as a safe place for holidays and business.

I do not therefore see any justification for the perception of animosity between the UK and Cyprus. We hold no animosity for Cyprus and have no intention to punish Cyprus. On the contrary, why would we want to punish a country or a people with whom we want friendly relations and a positive, constructive dialogue?

Besides, the central insight of this book is that our relationship has outgrown the 20^th Century paradigm of “bilateral relations” directed by governments, and embraced the 21^st Century, where people-to-people links are the governing factor. Britain cares about Cyprus not just because it is politic to do so, but because Cyprus and its people are an integral part of political life in the UK. And the Cypriot economy is prospering not just because Cypriots are good businesspeople, but because hundreds of thousands of Britons have bet on Cyprus – through tourism, the property market, the education industry, and a host of other ways. We are already inter-dependent, and becoming more so with every investment decision.

Thirdly, the EU’s relationship with Turkey: the book identifies the UK’s approach to Turkey as one of the roots of the negative perception of the UK among Greek Cypriots. The UK’s approach to Turkey reflects the strategic political and economic importance of that country to the region and to Europe. It is a policy not only supported by the EU as a whole, but also by the government of Cyprus. Through these negotiations the EU has the best means of changing and modernising Turkey, anchoring it to the West and achieving stability in this region. Cyprus has more than any other country to gain from this process. And a lot more to lose if it fails.

The accession process clearly imposes obligations on Turkey which it must implement. This includes opening ports and airports to Cypriot ships and aircraft and normalising its relationship with Cyprus. Turkey is being treated the same as any other country trying to join the EU and therefore has to sign up to all the principles and detailed rules. This will be a long process, but it is only by maintaining the process that these changes can be made.

The Future

The book concludes with a forward-looking agenda. I fully share the need to work with Cyprus on all the issues relating to the island, the region and the EU. Our commitment to solving the Cyprus problem was demonstrated by the appointment of Joan Ryan MP as the Prime Minister’s Special Representative to Cyprus. Her recent visit gave her an opportunity to understand the situation at first hand. She left rather pessimistic, but determined to play a positive role.

An essential element for the future is recognition that the status quo is unacceptable. We cannot continue to have uncertainty and instability in this island. As each day passes, the issues of greatest importance to Cypriots, for example property, become more difficult to unravel and resolve. But neither the UN nor the UK, nor the P5 can solve this problem. It is up to the Cypriots themselves to engage in dialogue which the UN will facilitate and the UK will strongly support. It is up to the two communities to reach agreements. We have no blueprint or plan. Time is running out and next year provides a unique opportunity when there are no elections in the area.

At the same time we will continue our co-operation with Cyprus. I hope that we will soon sign a formal memorandum of understanding for co-operation on research and development. And in November we will hold the first UK/Cyprus Forum, bringing academics and experts together to discuss an important issue of mutual interest; the relationship between east and west. I am pleased to say that two members of the academic staff of this university will be participating in that meeting.

This is the way to pursue a more constructive and forward-looking bilateral agenda. From the point of view of the UK and the High Commission, let me thoroughly support Dr Theophanous’ final sentence in his preface to this book: “The past cannot be changed. But the challenge is to influence the future in a constructive manner.” That in a nutshell is my job description.

The UK shares and endorses that vision.