Book Launch:

Reflections on the Relations Between Britain and the Republic of Cyprus

and the case of the British Sovereign Base Areas

 

It is with great pleasure that I welcome all of you to this event.  The book we are presenting this evening is the outcome of a study which examines the relations between the two countries including the issue of the Sovereign Bases.  The study does not claim that it addresses all relevant aspects and dimensions of the relationship.  It does, however, constitute a serious attempt, examining some sensitive aspects of this relationship and integrating public perceptions in the analysis.  In this regard we consider that the effort to address all aspects of this relationship in detail must continue.

 

The study underlines the particularly strong economic and social relations between the two countries.  Suffice to say that in the economic domain the net surplus for Cyprus in the balance of payments from transactions between the two countries, including the bases, is about 10% of its GDP.  This may not come as a surprise given that more than 50% of tourists arriving in Cyprus each year come from the UK. 

 

In relation to the social aspects of the relationship, the book highlights the incorporation of British practices in Cypriot business law and the broader legal framework, the educational exchanges, the presence of a sizable Cypriot community in the UK and the increasing number of British expatriates and businessmen in Cyprus.

 

According to the study this remarkable socioeconomic record is not, however, matched in the political domain. Furthermore, the overall political relationship often becomes difficult and at times tense, with Greek Cypriots perceiving British policy over Cyprus to have been consistently pro-Turkish and that in 1974 Britain fell short of carrying out its Treaty obligations.  It should also be noted that there is a widespread perception that Britain and NATO in general are enjoying a multitude of benefits from the operation of the sovereign bases in Cyprus without any reciprocity toward the Republic of Cyprus.

 

Britain’s historical influence on Cyprus has been deep and diverse. Cyprus is a member of the Commonwealth and, as of 2004, shares membership with Britain in the EU.  Despite the positive statistics, despite the familiarity, closeness and friendship between the peoples we must admit that the relationship remains if not problematic then ‘difficult’ on the political level.  Of course the relationship as well as the economic significance of the UK for Cyprus have been constantly changing in nature during the post-independence period. We can divide this historical context into four distinct phases:

a)        The early years of Cyprus’ independence up until Britain’s accession to the then European Community in 1972;

b)        The transition years following Britain’s accession to the EU and the immediate period after the Turkish invasion of 1974;

c)         The post invasion period dominated by the development of the tourist sector from the late 1970s to the early 1990s;

d)        The period leading up to Cyprus’ accession to the EU, from the early 1990s to date.

 

The historical legacy of the Anglo-Cypriot relationship entails deep-rooted grievances causing the relations between the Republic of Cyprus and the UK to continue to demonstrate a high level of mistrust.  It is clearly shown in the results of the personal interviews conducted in the context of this study, that the majority of Greek Cypriots feel unjustly treated by Britain. From their point of view, the historical legacy of the relationship is a series of frustrations stemming from:

·        Their unfulfilled national aspirations for union with Greece;

·        The nature of the 1960 constitution;

·        Britain’s ‘abdication’ of Treaty obligations during the 1974 Turkish invasion;

·        Britain’s role in the compilation of the UN backed plan for the comprehensive solution to the Cyprus problem (Annan Plan V);

·        The perceived pro-Turkish bias in London’s foreign policy over time and up to date.

 

Given that there are on the one hand common interests that may be pursued with mutual benefits and on the other hand historical grievances and misgivings, both countries have good reasons to re-evaluate their overall relationship with the purpose of effectively addressing issues in a way that there can be major improvements.  Toward this end it is important for both countries to utilize the different levels of government (including the civil service) as well as non-state actors such as the business community, academia and the media.

 

Cyprus on its part should pursue an advanced bilateral relationship with Britain based on certain fundamental realities:

·        The UK has interests to defend in Cyprus in its pursuance of broader geopolitical objectives;

·        For Cyprus, the presence of UK, and consequently NATO forces on its soil, may under particular circumstances entail important national security considerations and ramifications;

·        Cyprus has important economic links with Britain.  The economic links between the Republic of Cyprus and Britain can be further enhanced in ways which can be supportive of and aiding in Cyprus’ economic policy objectives;

·        The UK is in a position to play a constructive role in the effort to achieve a viable solution to the Cyprus problem.  This can be done by encouraging a fruitful bicommunal relationship and by persuading Turkey to change its policy over Cyprus.

 

Foreign policy objectives must therefore be clearly defined and actively pursued within the framework outlined above, without however forgetting that economics also constitutes an important dimension of the relationship between the two countries.  We cannot change the past.  But the great challenge is to influence the future in a constructive manner.  

 

In conclusion let me stress that there are multi-dimensional issues over which more research is required.  Indeed not only will our understanding of this relationship be further enhanced by a more detailed analysis, but, additional useful policy implications will be derived.