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Affiliated with the University of Nicosia |
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The European Union's Position in the World and the Challenges Ahead By H. E. Nicolas Galey
H. E. Nicolas Galey, Ambassador of France in Cyprus
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Opening address at the conference organized by the Cyprus Center for
European and International Affairs, in cooperation with the Jean Monnet
Centre of Excellence, University of Cyprus,
entitled “The EU's Position
in the World and the Challenges Ahead”, which was held on
December 8, 2008
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Thank you very much for having invited me to open
this seminar, and also to believe that I would be able to make an
acceptable presentation on such a broad question : EU’s
position in the World and the challenges ahead; quite a subject indeed,
on which much more qualified people could talk hours and hours. The fact
that I am not an expert and that I am supposed only to introduce the
discussion makes my job a little easier and, more important, will give
other participants and the audience plenty of room for raising aspects I
have omitted, deliberately or by mistake.
As
all of you know, the European Union has had, since its creation, to face
many challenges to become a global actor and succeed in its core
objectives. Achieving peace among former enemies was obviously the first
one. War and peace among Europeans is just not a subject today. If this
would be the only achievement of the construction of Europe, it would be
enough. But a lot more has been done in terms of integration, common
policies – internal and external -, enlargement or institutional
evolutions.
With
all its shortcomings, Europe has undoubtedly succeeded in becoming one
of the major global actors in today’s world. It is the world’s first
trading power; it remains one of the most advanced regions in terms of
research and development even if others do better; it plays an essential
role in addressing what’s now called “global issues”: environment,
development, health, human rights. And, even if this remains an area
where a lot of progress remains to be done, Europe has developed a
foreign and security policy.
Many
of these goals were included in the French presidency of the Council of
the European Union, as they were for previous presidencies and for the
future ones: no country can claim bringing major changes or achieve
fundamental objectives within six months, but each presidency can add
its contribution to what is now called “trio programmes”, involving 3
presidencies on 18 months.
And
it is, I think, quite significant that one of this Trio programme
priorities deals with Energy and Climate issues, subjects which would
have hardly be regarded as that essential just 5 years ago. It shows, of
course, how much global warming has become a major question recently,
but also that Europe has the capacity to react to new challenges. And I
don’t see any challenge of more international interest that the future
of our planet.
Another challenge for all of us, and another priority of our presidency,
is the rapid increase in world migrations. Here too, changes are clear:
no one, today, would seriously defend ideas like “zero immigration”.
Because movements of people around the world are intrinsically linked
with globalization. In the same time, we must improve our common
capacity to control and manage migrations.
Our continent remains extremely attractive to
those who endure difficult situations in their countries. How to achieve
this, while respecting our values, is certainly one of the challenges of
our times. The European Pact on Migrations, adopted under our
presidency, is a first attempt to tackle this question in a
comprehensive way; it doesn’t claim to give simple solutions to a
problem that is everything but simple. At least, with the Pact, we have
a common approach on this subject.
An
economic giant and a political dwarf is the usual qualification of
Europe in the international arena. As you know, making Europe a stronger
actor on the diplomatic stage has been a long-standing objective of my
country.
After years of work, I think we can say that the dwarf has grown a
little bit but a lot more could be done. It is an important point of the
Lisbon Treaty, with the creation of a European Foreign service and a
clarification about who is in charge of EU’s foreign policy. Let’s hope
that the treaty will come into force soon and that this important step,
closely related to the future of UE/NATO relations, can finally be
achieved.
The
question remains always the same: how far European countries are ready
to transfer their foreign policy to a centralized system? How to deal
with the particular case of UK and France, who are both nuclear powers
and permanent members of the Security Council? And, as far as substance
is concerned, how ready are member states to define a genuine European
foreign policy?
Finally, conducting a credible foreign policy implies concrete means to
support it, mainly military. This translates obviously into financial
consequences, and this brings to the question of burden sharing among EU
partners.
European capacity to act can be real and effective when will and
determination are shown. It was the case with the events between Russia
and Georgia lat summer; it is the case now with the common operation
decided to fight piracy off Somalia coasts a situation that illustrates
how much these concrete means are needed when it comes to practical
actions: combating acts of piracy needs strong naval forces, capacity to
project very far from its territory and special forces to take action.
A word on a recent initiative taken at the very
beginning of the French presidency: the creation of a new organization,
the Union for the Mediterranean (UfM). Our conviction was that the
Barcelona Process launched in 1995, despite its major successes and its
political significance, had to be reinvigorated. Although much has been
said on the negotiations that have led to the UfM, I think there are not
many examples of an international organisation created in such a short
time, especially in a region like the Mediterranean. Now,
we are in a process of
defining the institutions and the rules of this organisation. It may
take time because so many interests are at stake. But the passion put by
many countries at this stage of the establishing of UfM shows that
nobody regards it as an unimportant or second class body.
Making Europe a stronger and more influent actor on the international
stage does not rely only on traditional aspects of power.
Obviously, military capacities and economic strength are, and will
always be, essential elements for anyone claiming a role in the world.
But Europe has its particular assets: it’s a global power but no longer
a conquering one. What Europe says or does can by no means be associated
with any expansionist views. In this regard, we have done a lot in the
past! Therefore, when Europeans try to bring world’s awareness on
subjects like development, action against pandemics, global warming,
cultural diversity, universality of human rights, we may be criticised,
opposed or regarded as naïve or idealist but the fact that we are not
attempting to dominate or subdue anyone is, I think, very commonly
accepted.
This gives to European “soft power” a particular dimension, partly a
moral one, I’d say. Because the European tradition of tolerance and
moderation is well known and generally admired or envied, and because
the European model, based on a high level of social protection and
solidarity, has no equivalent elsewhere, what we can propose or promote
is undeniably related to what we are. This, I think, gives us quite a
strong voice when we are addressing world challenges.
I think I will stop at this point although I know
many other aspects could or should have been mentioned, from economic
competitiveness to
enlargement policy or the risk of technology
gap to the institutional future of a more integrated Europe and the
question of federation or confederation.
But I’m sure other participants will be happy, and much more competent
than me, to complement what is just an introduction. The only thing I
would like to stress, and I think this appeared in what I said, is that
we should certainly be aware of weaknesses and drawbacks of Europe but
also avoid the too common self-devaluating attitude many – first of all
European themselves- have vis-à-vis Europe, which remains to date a
unique, unprecedented and unparalleled historic experience and
achievement.
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Cyprus Center for European and
International Affairs Copyright © 2008. All rights reserved |
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