Affiliated with the University of Nicosia |
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TURKEY: FROM STATE TO FAITH-BASED NGO By Anat Lapidot-Firilla
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Senior Research Fellow Academic Director of the Mediterranean Unit The Van Leer Jerusalem Institute, Israel |
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The recent events between Israel and Turkey in
addition to Turkey’s positioning on the side of Iran and the tightening
of relations with radical regimes in the region have raised question
marks and warning signals in Washington and various European capitals.
Efforts to label Turkish policy as motivated by Islam, or purely as
neo-Ottoman on the one hand, as well as efforts to label it as merely
ethical on the other, are not helpful in understanding its policy and
the strategies of implementing it. The incident of the recent Gaza-bound
flotilla helped define its foreign policy – its internal logics that
suffer from internal contradicting logics.
Simply put, the Gaza flotilla revealed mostly that
Turkey moves between imperial logic, whose purpose is to position Turkey
as a hegemonic actor on the regional level, and an important player on
the international one, and universal logic that is based on morality and
justice. What is more interesting is the fact that the strategy of
implementing these approaches include economic moves in the Arab world,
and at the same time vis a vis the the western world, and Israel within
it, Turkey is applying a strategy that characterizes less a state and
more a civil society NGO.
Contrary to the considerations that state interests
hold at the top of their agenda, Turkish policy makers have adopted an
outlook that sacrifices these interests on the altar of absolute and
universal morality. This is an outlook that seeks to endorse moral norms
and transform the international scene into one that is similar, in
principle, to that of civil society. It dreams of overturning the global
order on its head and fulfilling a Kantian dream.
Turkish conduct vis a vis the U.S. on the issue of
Iran, along with Brazil, is indicative of this attitude. Its conduct vis
a vis Israel reinforces the moral aspect – the one the Turks like to
stress – which they wish to bring to the table of the "international
community." Except, for them to be taken seriously, states must retain
their moral standing consistently, like Canada does for example.
Otherwise they are perceived simply as being anti-American. Indeed,
Turkish diplomats are learning today dreaming is one thing, and reality
is something else.
Turkish foreign policy suffers from two main
problems. The first is that the adoption of a vision for the creation of
an international community is nice and correct, in theory alone. Even
then only a few countries can allow themselves to adopt such outlook. It
is highly doubtful that Turkey can be one of them. The impossible
mathematical equation of “zero problems” can be understood in this
context; however it mostly reflects naiveté and lack of experience.
The second problem is that there exists an internal
contradiction between the imperial logic and the universal morality that
they are trying to establish vis a vis the European Union, the U.S. and
Israel. The Turks are proud that their policy is not based on
realpolitik. The amusing attempt to compare Davutoğlu to Kissinger
did not please the architect of Turkey’s foreign policy. After all, he
is an idealist.
Turkish researchers of international relations have
explained the doctrine of Turkish foreign policy since 1999 as a shift
from a Hobbesian to a Kantian worldview, and indeed many in Turkey
understand the policy in this light. In view of the forgiving attitude
that Turkey has exhibited toward Mohammed el-Bashir of Sudan and regimes
that systematically violate human rights, like Iran and Syria, it is
hard to conclude if the problem of these researchers is one of selective
morality that is based on Islamic principles and ethics unique to the
Muslim world, or that they need to retake the first year Introduction to
Kant.
A foreign policy that is based on ideals, ethics
and morality must be consistent in order for it to be considered
genuine. The choice to strengthen relations with two of the least
enlightened states in the region, Syria and Iran, does not reflect
consistency. It is hard to believe that the oppressive attitude of Iran
toward religious minorities, women, homosexuals and many others, does
not trouble the AKP leadership. Perhaps they assume that a policy of
containment and engagement instead of confrontation will be more
effective. If this is the case then we should ask, why is such a policy
not applied toward Israel? The answer can apparently be found where
Erdogan has already hinted, when he was asked to explain the forgiving
attitude toward the leader of Sudan. “Muslims,” he said, “cannot commit
genocide.”
Another claim that is being raised in the media
recently is that essentially Turkey is trying to create regional peace
and stability. But, if that is the case, why ally with militant and
revolutionary entities? Assailing conservative but stable states is not
logical in this case. So what explains the Turkish stance?
Contrary to the claim that is
often mentioned in Israel, Turkish policy is not anti-Semitic, even if
it does encourage anti-Semitic elements to raise their voice. The public
relations campaign against the Jewish lobby is not proof of this.
Presumably it stems from frustration of a process that was managed
unprofessionally and has failed, and of a lack of understanding of the
American political system. It would do good for all if the Turkish
public relations campaign against Israel and the American Jewry, bound
to fail, would cease. It will stir a counter public relations campaign,
which has already began.
Even if there are those among us who will adopt the
Turkish version that their policy has good intentions, to assist the
Palestinians, and harming Israel is not a goal in and of itself, and
even if we accept that the policy of Israel needs to change toward the
Palestinians in the Gaza Strip, that does not mean that foreign policy
can be conducted like a civil society project. At this time it seems
that Erdogan and Davutoğlu move between economic imperial ambitions and
the transformation of Turkey into a social NGO with a religious base.
However, when the dreams come to an end, we can assume that the realists
in Turkey will explain to the politicians that in the absence of a
possibility of moderate US hegemony through coalitions with countries
like Brazil, Venezuela and Iran, the ability of Turkey to emerge with an
upper hand on the international scene is minimal.
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